Noi romanii ne vom prezenta la votul de demitere si vom satisface conditia de cvorum (estimez prezenta la vot in jur de ~60% cu marja de trei procente), dupa care-l vom fi demis pe Basescu. Este primul pas de distantare de dezastrul in care am fost adusi, cel mai recent de carmaciul Basescu.
Numai ca greul abia incepe, iar noi trebuie sa decidem/intelegem urmatoarele:
1) Cat de mult suntem dispusi a ne re-negocia pozitia cu Uniunea Europeana--conditia de colonie agricola si de materii prime este de neacceptat.
2) Parteneriatul cu SUA nu trebuie pus in discutie, mai ales cand lumea se framanta si reaseaza de la margini incepand.
3) Daca Basescu ramanea, s-ar fi continuat pe drumul privatizarilor facute in interesul clicii basiste si al celor din Vest.
4) Guvernul Ponta va avea de rezolvat problema unui atac impotriva Leului, care sa ne aduca dpdv al Vestului in aceeasi situatie in care ne-ar fi adus privatizarile lui Basescu.
5) Leul a fost tinut artificial la un curs asa mare de catre cel care a facut poate tot atat de mult rau ca Basescu, Mugurel Isarescu. Pretul a fost imprumutul FMI si distrugerea oricarei sanse de competitivitate a producatorului roman.
6) Isar il va inlocui pe Isarescu.
7) Romania trebuie sa intregeasca relatia strategica cu SUA prin adaugarea unei reale componente comerciale si de know-how.
8) Uniunea Europeana trece printr-o perioada de tranzitie catre monopolul german. Sa-i lasam pe altii mai bine plasati sa rezolve tensiunea asta in crestere. Deocamdata, Romania trebuie sa trimita mai putini bani catre Bruxelles decat absoarbe.
9) Nu stim inca din ce-i facut Victor Ponta. Intr-o zi ai senzatia ca ai de-a face cu un tip deosebit, in alta, dai de un caraghios care ar face mai bine sa taca. Ma tem ca Ponta sa nu fie decat baiatul de pravalie al unor negustori cu nimic mai prejos decat tot ce am vazut noi pana acum.
10) PSD-ul trebuie sa genereze alternative la Ponta imediat ce Basescu e demis.
11) Inainte de a spune mai mult despre Vest, sa intelegem ca aia de acolo lucreaza cu materialul clientului.
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● Jurnalul Naţional: Traian Basescu a declarat luni într-un interviu referitor la scutul antirachetă de la Deveselu că "cel puţin până după anunţarea rezultatelor referendumului din 29 iulie nu e pus în pericol. Pe urma vom vedea”. Cum comentaţi această afirmaţie?
● Andrei Marga: Parteneriatul Strategic România-SUA rămâne în aceiaşi termeni, nu se schimbă nimic în actualul context. Acest parteneriat nu este o opţiune de conjunctură, ci o constantă cu valoare de interes naţional, care transcende circumstanţele de ordin politic. Vreau să sublinez faptul că importanţa majoră a acestuia este relevată în textul "Declaraţiei Comune de Parteneriat Strategic pentru Secolul XXI, adoptată la Washington, la 13 septembrie 2011”. Sublinez că această relaţie strategică a atins un nivel de maturitate care transcende aspectele conjuncturale legate de schimbări de politică internă.
Încheierea Acordului privind amplasarea sistemului de apărare antirachetă al SUA în România reprezintă un proiect cu încărcătură strategică majoră în economia de ansamblu a relaţiei bilaterale. Conform celor convenite cu prilejul Summit-ului NATO de la Chicago, din mai 2012, dezvoltarea acestui proiect va continua în calendarul deja agreat. În plan bilateral sunt în curs discuţii la nivel de experţi menite să conducă la operaţionalizarea bazei de la Deveselu la orizontul anului 2015. După cum vedeţi, lucrurile îşi urmează cursul natural. Vă asigur că activitatea diplomatică nu este afectată de evoluţia situaţiei interne din ultima perioadă.
S-a dat dezlegare la schimbare, John Podesta semneaza urmatorul punct de vedere:
The Washington Post and other international commentators, among them The Economist, have been quick to blame Romania's new Prime Minister Victor Ponta for the country’s current political crisis, which led to the impeachment of Romanian President Traian Basescu. Yet claims that Prime Minister Ponta has undermined democracy and threatened the nation’s economic stability are not simply mistaken, they are also willfully misleading. A closer analysis of the impeached president’s past record and recent actions, as well as recent Constitutional Court rulings on the affair, suggest that the prime minister is defending democracy, not subverting it.
Just more than two weeks ago, the Romanian parliament impeached the sitting president, Traian Basescu, a former sea captain who worked with the Romanian Securitate (secret police) before the revolution in 1989, which ended the 22-year reign of communist strongman Nicolae Ceauşescu. Basescu has faced continual allegations of corruption, voter fraud, and impropriety since becoming president in 2004 and was first impeached five years ago following allegations that his then-Justice Minister Monica Macovei was pursuing politically motivated criminal prosecutions.
Basescu is now squared off against Prime Minister Ponta. The new prime minister, who is not yet 40 years old, made his name as a general prosecutor and reformer within the Social Democratic Party, which recently formed a coalition government with Liberal Party under the banner of the Social Liberal Union. When he became prime minister in April this year, he was the third person in less than six months to be appointed to the post.
Meanwhile, the hugely unpopular President Basescu, desperate to resurrect his political fortunes, has continuously sought to shuffle the political deck in his favor. Having been hit by a series of harsh austerity measures, the Romanian people had lost faith in President Basescu, whose popularity was already on the wane thanks to a series of controversial constitutional breaches, including changing the voting majority required to impeach him.
John D. Podesta is Chair and Matt Browne is a Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress.
S-a dat dezlegare la schimbare, John Podesta semneaza urmatorul punct de vedere (continuare):
Once in office, Prime Minister Ponta quickly sought to focus on policy rather than politics. His priority was to implement a series of social and economic reforms designed to shift the government’s focus to jobs and growth. While pledging to maintain commitments made to the International Monetary Fund and World Bank by the previous government, he sought to promote growth by improving the country’s capacity to absorb European funding.
In parallel, the new prime minister pledged to improve pay for public servants such as teachers and nurses and to return illegally confiscated money to Romania's pensioners. The hope was to bolster investment and domestic demand and to help those who had been hardest hit by President Basescu's austerity politics.
The new government’s policies proved popular with the Romanian electorate, delivering a landslide victory for the Social Liberal Union in the regional elections in early June. In response, President Basescu started what can best be described as a vicious personal and political attack on Prime Minister Ponta. He sought to halt the government’s reform agenda, appealing beyond his powers to the constitutional court to block reforms. He also initiated a series of vicious personal attacks on the prime minister he'd appointed just two months earlier.
As tensions worsened, the Social Liberal Union moved to replace the leadership of the lower house of parliament and the senate and to impeach the president. In the days following the parliament’s decision to impeach President Basescu, the Constitutional Court upheld the decision, as well as the governing coalition’s right to change the leadership of the house and senate. Despite the majority of the court's judges having been previously appointed by President Basescu himself, the Court ruled that the president had sought to diminish and usurp the role and powers of the parliament and prime minister, and that the president had also failed in his duty to mediate between the powers of the state.
A referendum will now be held this Sunday, during which the Romanian people will have an opportunity to cast their own vote on the president’s future. Public opinion polls show that 80 percent of the people oppose President Basescu. Yet in its opinion on the impeachment, the Court threw him a lifeline. Parliament had hoped to revise one of President Basescu's laws, which mandated that in popular referendums an absolute majority of eligible voters must support the impeachment for it to be valid. Instead, parliament argued, a simple majority of those voting should suffice. Here, the Court ruled against the parliament. President Basescu's future will now be determined by the size of voter turnout.
Once the Court issued its consultative opinion, Prime Minster Ponta immediately wrote to the leaders of the both parliamentary chambers insisting that its opinion be respected in the referendum—hardly the reaction of a power-hungry and undemocratic tyrant. Indeed, as the crisis has mounted, to his credit the prime minister has continued to engage with the international community and to act as a voice of reason and defend the Court.
Had President Basescu shown the same respect for the government's social and economic reform agenda and the Romanian Constitution, then the nation's economic fortunes would be brighter and its democracy far healthier, too. We hope and suspect that the will and interests of the Romanian people will triumph. In the short term, this is a matter of voter turnout; in the long run, it’s more a matter of time.
John D. Podesta is Chair and Matt Browne is a Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress.
John Podesta, la sfarsitul articolului sau, indica si resursele disponibile celor neincrezatori:
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E interesant de urmarit in cazul asta ce se va intampla cu Leul. Inalte cuvinte, cat de mult va fi imbratisata miscarea Ponta-Antonescu? Destul ca sa n-o ia apa, sau pana nu mai are aer...
Birocraţia din UE (focalizez special asupra numelor Manuel Barroso & Viviane Reding) şi actualul ambasador USA în România nu înţeleg absolut nimic din ideologia naţionalismului românesc care ne-a permis să ieşim din epoca fanariotă, şi a creat condiţiile ca să devenim o naţiune modernă. Repet, la adresa lor, ceea ce am mai spus: Jeffersonianismul american şi naţionalismul românesc au incorporat de la naştere exact acelaşi nucleu prudenţial ca un acquis de modernitate : Ideologia primară, denumită astfel de către Antoine Destutt de Tracy. Dar grupul de ideologi primari francezi nu se limita la această singură persoană, ci număra câteva generaţii. În acest context al votului nostru de la referendum, trebuie să amintesc numele matematicianului şi politologului Condorcet. În secolul XVIII el a stabilit câteva condiţii de corectitudine „sine qua non“, cum ar fi spus probabil Nicolae Ceauşescu. Or, votul la referendum a fost monstrous deformat prin cerinţele total ilogice, chiar anti-matematice, impuse de străinii Mark Gitenstein, Manuel Barroso şi Viviane Reding care n-au dovedit vreodată că excelează în studiul istoriei noastre. Aceşti străini ne-au forţat să ieşim din condiţiile matematice de corectitudine ale votului, condiţii cerute de către ideologul primar Condorcet ! Or, naţionaliştii români, printre care mă număr, cred cu mai mult în principiile de vot enunţate de către Condorcet, decât în impunerea, cu intelectualism redus dar cu putere decizională implacabilă, a birocraţilor din UE şi a diplomaţilor cu empatie faţă de Traian Băsescu şi de Monica Macovei.
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